¡Todo el Pueblo al Sueno!
Tuesday, 22 October 2013 05:23 Published in Maria Poblet: ¡Todo el Pueblo al Sueño!
The Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) worker strike is coming to a close. After tense negotiations, a tentative agreement has been reached, after workers demanded the restoration of salary cuts and safety measures. In a heartbreaking confirmation of the need for safety measures, two workers were killed this weekend when a scab in training attempted to move a train in Walnut Creek, as the management prepared to run trains despite the strike. This tragic event may have helped push the BART Board to come to the bargaining table with a little humility, or, anyway, some fear of the public opinion.
In the context of this strike, the whole Bay Area has been alive with political conversations – every carpool line, every bus, every twitter account is touching on the topic: How could these tragic deaths have been prevented? Who should be held accountable for the commuter delays? Whose side are you on?
And, yes, it must be noted, as it often is in these conversations - BART workers make higher wages than fast food workers, domestic workers, or the millions of young people who are under-employed. Why? Because the public sector in the Bay Area is a highly organized force. Because they have fighting unions, and by working together, they are able to leverage the power they have to decrease how much they are exploited. Nothing like a strike to make clear just how much power workers have to make themselves heard. So much so that conservative legislators are even trying to push a no-strike law specific to transportation workers.
The issues at the core of the BART strike are bigger than a commuter delay, bigger than a single contract fight, bigger than the sensationalist newspaper headlines, and we need to approach it that way. We are facing a core aspect of the neoliberal transformation of our communities. Corporate interests seek to remove protections to living wages, health benefits, worker protections, environmental standards, and democratic community control. The corporate agenda that BART workers are up against doesn't just seek to lower their wages and security standards – it also invests public money into police, prisons and the military instead, turning the public sector into a machine of repression, and hammering away at the parts of the public sector that benefit the community. The "public private partnership" that BART is allegedly built on has done little to advance the interests of the public. The "private," which is to say, corporate, side of the partnership is clearly running the show.
As a long time Bay Area community organizer and resident, like everyone else, I have relied on BART trains to get me where I needed to go, and, like most people in my community, I support the strike. Causa Justa :: Just Cause was built from a merger of a San Francisco-based organization and an Oakland-based organization. How did our disabled, elderly, and parent members get from one office to the other, to discuss how to build Black and Brown Unity, to mobilize to each others' actions, to bring the costumes to the community room for the member talent show? You guessed it: BART. It wasn't the managers who took us where we needed to go. It was the workers: the grandmothers, the brothers, the transit-dependent families who make BART run. Just like they were there for us, we at Causa Justa :: Just Cause mobilized to be there for them.
This wasn't a fully thought out organizational partnership between Causa Justa and the unions representing the workers; it was messy, real-time emergency response solidarity. And it's an important start to a bigger conversation that our local chapter of Jobs With Justice is creating the space to have. The history of collaboration between community groups like CJJC and labor unions includes plenty of challenges. And this moment in history presents a unique opportunity to reconnect the dots. We have to connect labor and community, across the differences in our priorities and bridging our unique political cultures.
Public transportation is a core feature in the lives of the public in the Bay Area, and is an important arena of struggle. Gentrification and Displacement have pushed working class people of color hours away from the places where they work, and BART is part of their daily lives. Nothing drives that home more than the 1.5 hour BART ride Causa Justa :: Just Cause member Thea Cushman takes from Antioch to rejoin her former East Oakland neighbors for a meeting once a month. Displaced by a Wells Fargo foreclosure, and again by a US Bank foreclosure of the unit she rented, Thea knows all about how corporate control is displacing working class communities.
In fact, I sometimes dream of a campaign inspired by allies in transportation work – a push to lower fares to make the system more accessible to the working class people who depend on it, instead of have it be such a service of convenience for drivers who want to avoid traffic. People Organized to Win Employment Rights won free fast passes for San Francisco youth to ride the MUNI bus system. What would it take to win something like that at a regional level?
For one, it would take a level of organization that is regional. Right now, BART workers are the single largest organized force able to take on BART management. It's no coincidence that despite tons of community support, the newspapers only reported commuter complaints. The BART workers present a real threat to corporate interests in our region, and they will use all the means at their disposal to discredit the workers.
This heroic strike has inspired millions of public sector workers throughout the country with its militancy. And it is just the beginning of what we need to do. Each contract fight, each community demand, each governance body needs to be linked to our long-term movement project of building unity across sectors, so that working class communities as a whole can take our whole region back.
Thursday, 03 October 2013 00:49 Published in Maria Poblet: ¡Todo el Pueblo al Sueño!
Told and retold so many times over the years, our story has become very simple: mainstream white feminism never made space for the perspectives, agendas, and leadership of Black, Latina, Asian, Indigenous, working class, and poor feminists. And so my generation, disorganized by the painful fragmentation we inherited, rarely leads with a feminist lens. Many times we distance ourselves from feminism altogether. This holds true even for a majority of projects focused on organizing working-class women of color — be it on the job, in the community, or in the realms of home and social relationships.
This version of feminism, in its US political context, is not the whole story though. In the international arena, feminism is alive and well, and feminist ideas are a leading edge in progressive social movements.
This summer I learned a lot about this, when I attended the World March of Women's (WMW) 9th International Meeting in Sao Paulo, Brazil. Initiated by the largest mainstream feminist organization in Quebec, the WMW started as a march "for bread and roses" and grew almost immediately to an international scale. Thanks to its founders' ability to embrace leadership from the global south, it also grew politically.
Over the past 15 years, the WMW has deepened its understanding of national oppression, its commitment to economic justice, and its capacity to grow feminism from the grassroots.
I went to Brazil as a representative of Grassroots Global Justice Alliance (GGJ), a longtime ally of the World March of Women based in the US. GGJ brings together groups, including my organization Causa Justa :: Just Cause, rooted in working-class communities and communities of color to turn our internationalist aspirations into concrete campaigns and relationships with partners in the rest of the world. Most GGJ organizations organize against racism and economic exploitation as part of their daily work. Yet few focus explicitly on gender. Even though many GGJ groups organize a base that is majority women and women and gender-queer organizers are often leading the campaigns, we rarely identify as feminists.
I knew participating in the WMW would be like stepping into a different world. What I didn't know was how influential intersectional US feminisms have been for the women I met from across the globe. Among 1,700 women from 50 countries, Nalu Faria, one of the founders of Brazil's WMW, reinforced the march's vision of feminist internationalism by quoting none other than Englishwoman Virginia Woolf, ideological pillar of second-wave feminism: "As a woman I have no country. As a woman I want no country. As a woman, my country is the whole world."
Later, in a difficult conversation about lesbianism and homophobia within the movement, a young Chilean read Audre Lorde from a Spanish translation transcribed in her decoupage-d notebook:
"Without community there is no liberation, only the most vulnerable and temporary armistice between an individual and her oppression. But community must not mean a shedding of our differences, nor the pathetic pretense that these differences do not exist. Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society's definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference — those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older — know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to stand alone, unpopular and sometimes reviled, and how to make common cause with those others identified as outside the structures in order to define and seek a world in which we can all flourish. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths."
Who could bring Virginia Woolf and Audre Lorde together into a coherent, internationalist whole? Who could pick up where we've gotten stuck, and write a new ending for the old story, one where we overcome fragmentation, and change the world?
The World March of Women, in the Brazilian Context
The international secretariat for the WMW has been housed in Brazil for the last seven years, after a successful transfer from the founding secretariat in Quebec. The leadership of Brazil's WMW's international secretariat was part of the once-left, now-governing center-left Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores). When the party made electoral inroads, including winning the presidency, these women leaders did not abdicate their power or responsibility to their now-governing colleagues. Neither did they disengage from the state, simplistically writing off that arena of struggle and leaving it in the hands of conservatives as we have seen in other movements. Instead, they re-committed to strengthening their autonomous social movement, making demands of the state and elected officials, and maintaining an inspiring level of mobilization.
Less than a year before the 2010 election of Brazil's first woman president, Dilma Rousseff of the Workers Party, Brazil's WMW chapter organized a march from every province in Brazil to Sao Paulo. They marched for 10 days, marking the WMW's 10 years in the struggle, and bringing together women from rural northern provinces fighting mineral extraction on indigenous land, with those in rainforest provinces building food sovereignty, and those active in urban trade unions. The march's theme song had a chorus in the Lingala language of the Congo, with verses sung and improvised in Portuguese. This was a song Brazilian women learned at the 8th International WMW Gathering in the Congo, a meeting held in a famously dangerous area where mineral extraction run by international corporations has robbed Congolese women of their land, their safety, and their lives. It was an expression of the incredibly strong ethic of solidarity that the WMW made possible within the context of Brazil's social movements.
Another expression is their work to connect women involved in production and those involved in consumption in a single campaign. While some were fighting the community-destroying extraction of silica in rural areas, others agitated women in the cities to reject breast implants and the patriarchal ideas of beauty they depend on. This was captured in a slogan on stickers that read, "No to the globalization of silicone. Let's globalize feminist revolution!"
Dedicated to an anti-capitalist challenge to patriarchy, and to the project of reclaiming internationalist feminism for the grassroots, the World March of Women is an incredibly inspiring global social movement, a leading force in the World Social Forum (WSF) process — also initiated by Brazilian social movements — and a key organizer of the WSF's militant, cross-sector Social Movement Assembly.
De-Patriarchalizing Our Social Movements
In the Latin American context where social movements against neo-liberalism are vibrant and progressive governments reflect the gains of those movements, overcoming male domination and its structures and cultures in movement organizations is a key project often called "de-patriarchalization."
In a panel on the trajectory of Latin American feminism, Francisca Rodriguez described her experience in the Chilean left in the 70s, and the experience of many women in the context of 20th century movements, when she said, "In our movement, we used to have to say 'I am not a feminist' all the time. It was a disclaimer you had to make before raising any issues in defense of women." Now Francisca describes the process she and other women in La Vía Campesina are leading to transform the world's largest grassroots organization from a male-dominated peasant social movement into a feminist-identified, women-led one.
She was joined by Sandra Morán, Guatemalan ex-guerilla and social movement leader, who rallied the crowd by putting La Vía Campesina's process into the broader context of feminism's trajectory in Latin America: "We can't afford to believe the lie that feminism belongs to those who are distant from social movements. We are feminists shaped within social movements, within national liberation movements, in community organizing, in movements against austerity and for workers' rights. Feminism is ours and we are taking this grassroots feminism with us on the road to changing the whole world."
She shared stories about her work with fellow indigenous women from Mesoamerica, and the challenges and potential of drawing on ancestral traditions, while questioning the concept of dualism (which frames belief systems in a binary opposition of two conflicting and complementary parts) that is core to their cosmology and so often manipulated to defend exploitative gender roles.
Women from every continent were part of the conversation, sharing their stories and seeking common ground through intensive political training and education, discussion, debate, and direct action. The questions were not about whose ideas were most feminist. Instead, the conversation was about how best to universalize feminist values within a broader analysis, and how to build the solidarity that a feminist transformation of economic and social relations depends on.
Francisca challenged the group to think about movement building across gender. "When we women get together," she said, "we can walk forward quickly. But we will later find ourselves having to stop and wait for the male comrades to catch up."
She pointed out a bigger challenge that feminism faces: as we organize against women's oppression and exploitation, how do we articulate a broader "we" that includes all genders? My mind drifted back to the US context, where so much vicious patriarchal and structural violence is directed at transgender people. How could transgender feminism advance the fight against patriarchy? What kind of feminism could we build that represents the interests of women without marginalizing other sectors of people who also battle patriarchy every day?
Incredibly loud chanting brought me right back to the present moment, as if on cue to answer my questions. One hundred Brazilian Trade Unionists were marching in, joining the large group after concluding an international women unionist exchange. They chanted the promise women make to each other at all World March of Women events and to the social movements of the world: "We will keep marching!! Until EVERY one of us is FREE!"
African Leadership in De-colonizing Feminism
The next chapter of the World March of Women will be written with a distinctly African perspective, as the international secretariat now moves to Mozambique. Mozambican leader Graca Sambo, the WMW's new International Coordinator, drew on the legacy of her country's fight for independence when she gave a moving campaign speech, calling for a "de-colonization" of feminism, and for the importance of reclaiming of the feminist tendency within national liberation movements in Africa.
She quoted Mozambican independence leader Samora Machel, making the most brilliant argument for feminism: "The liberation of women is not an act of charity. It is not the result of a humanitarian or compassionate position. It is a fundamental necessity for the Revolution, a guarantee of its continuity, and a condition for its success."
Participants in the gathering got to know more about the Mozambican delegation's work and ideas in other ways as well. When organizers caught wind that the CEO of the Brazilian mining corporation Vale was going to appear at the venue of the WMW meeting for an after-hours event hosted by a local black college, the Mozambican and Brazilian organizers wasted no time. A direct action was quickly planned and hundreds of women chanted in their common language of Portuguese: "Vale (which translates as 'worth') is worthless to women!" After disrupting the auditorium where the speech was going to take place, we gathered outside to hear Mozambican and Brazilian women talk about the impact of mineral extraction on their home communities, and the need for a global movement to take up the struggle on a global scale.
After feeling the emotion of that international solidarity, the election of the new hosts for the international secretariat was an even more moving experience. It marked a new stage, where black internationalist leadership will set the pace for the WMW. For African feminists and organizers, it signals a huge new moment of possibility, a potential radicalization of NGO projects beholden to UN and charitable aid, new relationships of support for grassroots people's movements, and rich possibilities to continue connecting work throughout Africa with campaigns against mineral extraction, against militarization and war profiteering, and with feminist forces in pro-democracy fights in North Africa and the Middle East. For the outgoing Brazilian secretariat, it confirms the vibrancy of the March, more than 15 years strong, and still growing its grassroots internationalism.
Representatives from 50 national coordinating bodies voted in favor of the new international secretariat, each woman holding up a yellow paper sheet showing consensus for the 12 representatives from Mozambique who were bravely stepping into leadership. The moment was rife with emotion, tears flowing as people clapped and the Mozambican delegates stepped up to the front of the room, singing a song from the independence movement. The song named dozens of countries present, calling to them "Hear Ye! Hear, Africa! If you are proud to be an African woman, say it! My ancestors were all born on this land!"
The World March of Women's next global action, within its strategy of "permanent mobilization" is an international action in 2015. Starting with the commemoration of the anniversary of the Bangladesh factory fires in late 2012 and early 2013 that killed hundreds of young garment workers making clothes for transnational corporations, women from every member country will mobilize in a 24-hour action to build consciousness and take action in defense of the rights of women workers. This action will give chapters of the WMW in Asia a unique opportunity to organize more deeply, to lift up their demands and visions, and to leverage international support for their ongoing campaigns.
For this period leading up to the next global action in 2015, the WMW's work is organized into four main areas: nature and food sovereignty, peace and demilitarization, women's work, and violence against women. Its core organizing principle is the idea that women all over the world have something in common, and solidarity among women can transform the structures of oppression. By reclaiming feminism for the grassroots, the WMW believes we can take the solidarity economy that is already built into our families and oppressed communities and build an alternative to capitalist structures of economic injustice.
Reclaiming Feminism, Reclaiming Joy
The meeting came to a close with a massive, raucous street march celebrating women's struggles all over the world. We made joyful noise in multiple languages. The gathering's slogan, "Feminism on the March to Change the World," framed the proceedings with a huge banner carried by a disabled women's collective at the front of the march.
The march was part street protest, part carnival, and all international feminist political education. Young women wheat-pasted their protests about the lack of women's domestic violence shelters in Sao Paulo. A drag queen waved and threw confetti from an apartment window. Every country represented with a banner in their language naming their struggles — from Greeks against austerity to Filipinas against sex trafficking, to Tunisians for democratic rights for women.
It was an amazing experience to be one of the two Latinas representing the US in that setting, holding the Grassroots Global Justice "No War! No Warming! Build an Economy for People and the Planet" banner and marching along. Earlier that day, we contributed to the final declarations of the assembly, stating our opposition to US military attacks on Syria, which opened the door for many enlightening conversations.
I spoke to people who had no idea there was an anti-war sentiment in the US, let alone any organizing to address the struggles of working-class communities of color or a US-left committed to build joint struggle with people in the global south who suffer the impacts of our government's war mongering, climate destruction, and neoliberal profiteering.
The feminist batucada (Brazilian drum core), with its contagious rhythm, formed the heart of the march. Hundreds of women, mostly in their early 20s, beat plastic and metal containers decorated with slogans, singing in coordination: "Sexism is going to fall, going to fall, going to fall!" They were our clarions: "Calling all Feminist Revolutionaries!" and "Dear sister, I can't do it without you, together we are stronger!"
Their slogans and camaraderie reminded me of the analysis Cuban philosophy professor Georgina Alfonso laid out earlier in the week. "Personal development," she said, "can't occur without the opportunity for collective development." During Cuba's history, she reflected, "Women overcame their oppression and embraced their dignity to become key actors of the revolution, while men remained within the patriarchal framework." Our task, then, is to build relationships that break the logic reproducing discrimination and patriarchy within the struggle for a better world. She went so far as to say, "Constructing an alternative is not simply an economic project. ... Women's happiness has to be one of our explicit goals. A goal we achieve through shared, collective power."
Until Every One of Us is Free
The World March of Women has blazed a trail for social movements across the world. Those of us organizing working-class communities of color in the US can no longer afford to write feminism off, or let liberal forces ignore its transformational potential and belittle its power. We have to reach beyond individual rights, beyond identity-based caucuses, beyond intersectional analysis devoid of the practice of base building, and we have to make feminism real. We have to embrace the complexities of feminism, it's many stories, and learn how to integrate gender justice into all our work for racial, economic, and climate justice.
Just like they have done in Quebec, in Brazil, in Mozambique, we must take up the project of reclaiming feminism from the grassroots. We must do so in our context, facing our unique challenges, building on our histories of feminist resistance, and reaching for the global scale of solidarity that our very personal and very specific liberation depends on.
"Women of color feminism" has a strong trajectory in the US, even within our generation — like the radical direct action of abortion clinic defense in the 90s, the visionary work of INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence and the powerful domestic worker organizing that has been happening in the last decade through the National Domestic Workers Alliance.
Every day women lead union contract fights, push back against cutbacks in social services, fight to keep their homes, struggle to keep their families together in the face of deportations, reach out to each other to survive patriarchal relationships, patriarchal violence. How much more would these women win, how much more would our movements win, if we developed an explicitly feminist way to understand their oppression, and our collective liberation?
Could we embrace feminism in a new way, respectfully and rigorously tackling the differences among all people, women and not, oppressed by patriarchy in the US? If we did, I think we'd be that much closer to a world where every one of us is free.
Wednesday, 18 September 2013 16:31 Published in Maria Poblet: ¡Todo el Pueblo al Sueño!
I've had countless conversations with young white activists who, struggling to reconcile their commitment to movement work with their newfound antiracist practice of embracing leadership from oppressed communities, ask me, quite plainly "What should I do with my life? I don't understand what role can a white person like me can play in building a multi-racial movement."
In his collection of essays Towards Collective Liberation, Chris Crass tackles these kinds of questions, head on. Offering a rare combination of emotional honesty and intellectual rigor, he shares stories filled with inspiration, conflict and, ultimately, insight. He tracks his own development from the Food Not Bombs collective kitchen to the college activist study group to the building of the white anti-racist capacity building hub, the Catalyst Project.
There are many paths into the social movement, and all of them have a deeply personal dimension. Some of us come to this work through the process of learning to embrace our power, to understand our oppression, to give direction to our righteous rage. Some of us come to this work through the process of learning to question our power, to understand our privilege, to challenge ourselves to open space for others.
At the bay area launch of the book, Chris confided about his early struggles dealing with privilege "As a white, middle-class, cis-gendered man, sometimes I felt like the best thing I could for the movement was just stay in bed." The group roared with laughter. You didn't have to be a white guy to relate to the sense of confusion, the lack of direction, the teen-like angst of burgeoning anti-racism.
Most of us, I think, get a taste of both privilege and oppression along our path. My own journey, as a light-skinned Latina from a privileged layer of the working class, as a gender conforming queer woman, as a trauma survivor living with a disability, has been as much about letting go of power as it has been about embracing it. Understanding my oppression was and is core to finding my way into the movement, but that was not the end of the road. Understanding my liberation turned out to be even harder, and, at this point in my life, even more important. My very own and very personal liberation, the liberation of my biological and chosen families, of my peoples, depends on collective liberation.
And, it turns out no one is going to chart that path for me, or for any of us. As the Latin American saying says, you make the road by walking. And, as the Zapatistas modeled, whole communities can "walk while questioning," engaging in deep and critical inquiry, without ceasing to move forward in the collective work.
This is the process of inquiry and growth that Towards Collective Liberation documents, a process of personal inquiry and political growth that many new activists struggle with, and that seasoned organizers will recognize, too.
The book ends with a wonderful interview with Amy Dudely, of Oregon's Rural Organizing Project. Like the book, she articulates a loving challenge to white anti-racists that holds true for any one of us struggling to know our path. She says, "It is better to mess up in the pursuit of justice than to be perfect at doing nothing! This is risky work."
Whether you are starting your movement journey as a young white anti-racist, or needing a little company along a well-worn movement path, this book is a wonderful fellow traveler.
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About the Author
Raised in Buenos Aires, politicized in East Los Angeles, Maria Poblet is a nerdy Latina rooted in the San Francisco Bay Area. Building off a decade of radical community organizing and movement building work, she lead the merger of the Latino organization she built with a Black organization, forming a single, multi-racial powerhouse called Causa Justa :: Just Cause (www.cjjc.org). Before organizing, she was Artistic Director of Poetry for the People, and had the honor of being mentored by June Jordan. Follow her on twitter @mariadelpueblo
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Recent Maria Poblet Posts
- The Struggle for the Flatlands: How Oakland Can Fight Gentrification Written on Tuesday, 22 April 2014 06:39
- Revolutionary Democracy, Class-Consciousness, and Cross-Class Movement Building: Lessons from Amílcar Cabral Written on Wednesday, 19 February 2014 19:51
- Gentrification and The Battle for the Heart of San Francisco Written on Tuesday, 04 February 2014 07:14
- The BART Strike, and Beyond Written on Tuesday, 22 October 2013 05:23
- Until Every One of Us is Free: Reclaiming Feminism at the Grassroots Written on Thursday, 03 October 2013 00:49